Violence has reared its ugly face again in the Indian state of Assam sparked by the motiveless militant NDFB’s carnage against minority aboriginal Adivasis, followed by retaliatory violence. The plight of Assam can be postulated under the following broad reasons.
First, the state government was found ill-prepared or rather lacked sustained political pressure in tackling the cause of minorities. Earlier members of the legislative assembly of Bodoland People’s Front were arrested for alleged involvement in 2012 atrocities. This time again the same Sonbijit group was behind the murderous assault of non-bodo’s, calling for the need to ‘actually’ democratize the Territorial Councils (BTC).
Secondly, there is an urgent need to boost the size of police machinery for the phased marginalization of CRPF. Forested terrains and porous borders makes the task even more difficult for the security agencies. This calls for a revamping of existing extradition treaties with Bhutan and Bangladesh.
Finally, and the worst of all, the problem of illegal migration has been a companion of Assam throughout its recent history. Invigilation of inhabitants must be dealt with at PRI levels. Due to highly porous and populated borders simply fencing in the region won’t serve to solve the problem. Instead, the problem requires India to impose a larger picture by revamping its ‘Gujral Doctrine’ through unilateral concessions in border provinces that are near Bangladesh, so that people don’t leave as a result of the social crisis on their land. Techniques like easing visa norms (promoting legal crossovers) would decrease illegal crossings and lead to better vigilance.
All in all, the problem in Assam is basically not one propelled by the adherence to power, but instead learning to mutually adjust on a land of around 32 tribes and more than 50 languages.